Friday, May 15, 2026

The Camera


by Ansel Adams, New York Graphic Society, 1980 edition

These selections are not really about the camera so much as the artistic process. They were written in 1980, by a well-known photographer (an understatement), but their application to the current trend in the arts in response to the use of generative artificial intelligence to create artwork, or any technology that gets in between the artist and the art. 

On Automation of Equipment and Procedure: "The challenge to the photographer is to command the medium, to use whatever current equipment and technology further his creative objectives, without sacrificing the ability to make his own decisions." px 

On Technology and Utility: "Ideally, the photographer will choose basic equipment of adequate quality, with nothing that is inessential." pxiii (but I'm thinking bloated operating systems)

On Technological Automation: "The next time you pick up a camera think of it not as an inflexible and automatic robot, but as a flexible instrument which you must understand to properly use." pxiii (again thinking the new personal computer paradigm where you don't even own the computer anymore and have no idea what it's doing behind your back)

On Automation and Average Output: "The term automation is taken here in its broadest sense, to include not only automatic cameras, but any process we carry out automatically, including mindless adherence to manufacturers recommendations in such matters as film speed rating or processing of film. All such recommendations are based on an average of diverse conditions and can be expected to give only adequate results under "average" circumstances; they seldom yield optimum results, and then only by chance." p2 (ouch, ie ai and slop-homogenization)

Last thing - He's talking about viewfinders vs film plate shapes, and I'm thinking about what they call the "ideal" shape as not a square but matched to the paper which is rectangular and the evolution of image format as influenced by the rectangular-formatted paper industry (where a "sheet" has been the same shape and size rectangle since the press came out circa 1400), through photography, but then gives way to the square format with the Instagrammification of the image format of choice circa 2015, which is also around the same time all print media ceased operations and went straight to having websites instead. 


Thursday, May 14, 2026

In the Midst of Things - The Social Life of Objects in Public Spaces


by Mike Owen Benediktsson, Princeton University Press, 2022 

First, there is a note, on the second to last page, on the typography used in the book, and that it's Adobe Text and Gotham, and that "Gotham, inspired by New York street signs, was designed by Tobias-Frere-Jones for Hoefler and Co.; something I've never seen before.

  • "We shape our buildings, and after, our buildings shape us." -Winston Churchill
  • The "informal proxemics" of the street vs Covid lockdown (on his writing this book during covid) pxi
  • "What we generally do not see, is that [manmade] objects have ideas in them ... Sometimes, the ideas that are designed into objects are oriented on individual human users. Other times, they involve social norms or relationships ... ." p1
  • public objects vs private possessions p2

This book is so beautifully organized:
1. Appearance - Public Lawn, Folding Chair
2. Disruption - Traffic Divider, Subway Door
3. Disappearance - Newsstand, Bench

  • This book seems to be (or I want it to be) about the trans-substantiation of material objects into ideas, policies, laws, etc., something about dematerialization and "the objects as intermediary" between the physical and the social ~p3
  • "Material Sociology" which he says "is not really a thing" p3
  • Objects "fix the contents" of society, George Simmel p4
  • "Obviously, objects enter into our social consciousness practically every day. They are useful metaphors - they make abstract social processes more concrete. We communicate using an everyday poetry that links material things in our social world, without thinking about why these linguistic shortcuts work. We know that the "white collar worker" or "pencil-pusher" is different from the "blue-collar worker" or "hardhat." The "latte-sipping elitist" is different from "Joe sixpack." The "white tablecloth banquet" is different from the "brown bag lunch." Social structure is not something we can easily see or feel, so we refer to its material correlates, in a form of metonymy." p4
  • "Affordances" are "the ideas objects have about us" [this sounds much like Kevin Kelly's What Technology Wants and Richard Dawkins' Selfish Gene, aka We Don't Wear Earrings. Earrings Wear Us]; "the behavioral possibilities that are endorsed by an object or places." "Affordances do not exist inside of an object, but in the relationship between an object and a person" p4-5
  • "Programming" is the act of embedding affordances in an object or place ... used to suggest what should be done (or not done). p5
  • Once programmed into the material surfaces of an object or a place, affordances can become physically coercive in their control over human behavior p5
  • "Symbolic Programming" are signs and labels that reinforce intended behavior. p5
  • "Institutional Programming" is typically invisible; they may be written down, but most likely are simply known by users. ... it implies a third party who provides incentives and sanctions, such as a property owner, an anonymous stranger, a neighbor, or the government. "Sidewalks because they are public, are institutionally programmed, or regulated, in a way that one's living room is not." ... when they're effective, they're invisible. p6
  • When public objects fail, they disrupt the social order (repurposing Harold Garfunkel) p6
  • All blueprints are blueprints for human behavior (from Thomas Gieryn)
  • Design professionals translate social context into material form. p7
  • In the real world, after a thing is built, and real people show up: The "potential environment" envisioned by the designers and planners is supplanted by the "effective environment" created through human use. (these terms invented by sociologist Herbert Gans) p8
  • Home telephones were initially intrusive. p8
  • The real test is when an object enters the sociological wilderness of unpredictable, everyday life. p9
  • Entropy! footnote 22
  • Some public objects reveal their broader importance to a community when threatened or removed. p11
  • The subway pole is the fireman's pole is the stripper pole. Things are given meaning by the place in which they're found. p13
  • Public objects are Rosetta stones, decoding the sociology of urban life. p16
  • "The social role of material objects is invisible under most circumstances." p16
  • On the Traffic Divider (the Social Divider!) p18
  • On the Subway Door - "informal infrastructure," i.e., passenger etiquette: disruptions beget behavioral engineering [nice word], like turnstyles. p18-19
  • "These spaces are physically open, but sociologically closed, earmaked for certain kinds of rituals." p24
  • Olmstead on public lawns and the single most important benefit provided by an urban park, "escape from the cramped, confined and controlling circumstances of the streets of the town: in other words, a sense of enlarged freedom." He wanted no fences and no walls around his parks, so you could see right through them from one side to the other. (Olmstead, 1866) p24
  • The lawn, originally represented exclusivity and privilege, costly to maintain, and visible from outside the house ... "grass externalizes and manifests socioeconomic status" p33
  • Ownership vs Usership - this is where the condos in the park of One Brooklyn Bridge Park were advertised to a specific sub-population who would use it in a specific way. They won't own the property, but they do, sort-of, because what it affords is accessible to and desired by them. p36
  • The folding chair "is an expression of trust in the urban society itself'. p61
  • The Wiley-Smartz NYC DOT Public Space Unit put maintenance under local partners, not the city, to avoid a race to the bottom. p61
  • 2013 "desnudas" in Times Square (naked women with painted-on bikinis). Totally legal btw. By 2015 he says it was being called a strip club without walls because men would line up their chairs and watch for hours. ... also considering "Times Square as a mecca of tourism and unrestrained commercialism", it was hard to avoid. p65-66
  • Single men are limited in their use fo public space; in playgrounds and ball fields they look like predators. p70
  • When La Plaza de las Americas in Washington Heights was opened, "They knew what to do here" [says a park inhabitant when interviewed] because they had plazas in the countries where they came from. p73
  • Social activity itself discourages disorder and encourages informal social control (like Jane Jacobs' eyes on the street) p81
  • [I see "White" people capitalized for the first time (2022)] p85
  • "Flexible public space is an expression of trust in urban society. But not all communities trust themselves." p90
  • There's a great and illustrative picture on p 102 that shows the walking path along Black and White Horse Pike in South Jersey, with a 55 MPH speed limit sign, mangled by an 18-wheeler probably going a lot faster than 55. He also uses the word "fear lines" in opposition to "desire lines" ~p106
  • "There exists an entire world of inconvenience and humiliation for the pedestrian users of this space." p108
  • And he makes reference to upstairs/downstairs and front/back of the house "vibrating w programmatic conflict" 
  • Infrastructure becomes visible when it breaks. p109 ft 25 SL Star...
  • Signs and symbols act to clarify the program embedded in a materials object, or to specify a legally endorsed pattern of behavior. They act as a stopgap in cases where the built environment is deemed insufficiently legible by the people or institutions who are responding to programmatic conflict. p114
  • [We domesticate technology, through recursion from raw tech to normative infst] ~p126
  • "feral technology" p131
  • He's talking about sociothermodynamics, the space and the mental organization of behavior in it, by it, is what causes altercations; it's not the personalities of the people, it's the space they're in and how it's designed (like people waiting for a train that's late, or trying to fit on a train that's crowded), and he says one of the causes is "temporal ambiguity" in the breakdown of normative infrastructure. p150-152
  • [personal thought] graffiti on buses (and subways) pre-dated advertisements on buses
  •  (I didn't jux these, it was him, but I think its cool)
  • The newsstand - more than just an amenity for anonymous pedestrians - an integral part of the social fabric of a block. p183
  • ...a city loses something when people stop asking for directions. 
  • The "benevolent friction" of the newsstand p186

The Bench - this is why I bought the book. I inhabit New York City often, and use mass transit infrastructure, which includes the stations, but which themselves do not include places to sit, and I've often wondered about how treating homeless people like shit actually leads to treating just about everyone like shit, because I'm not homeless, but after working on my feet for 14 hours, and facing a possible 2-hour commute home, I'd really like to sit down in the train station while I wait for my delayed or cancelled train.

  • The Bench at Trump Tower - Which brings us to the matter of the bench. Public spaces are subject to a set of design provisions - among them, a stipulation that they contain ample public seating. Originally, the atrium contained a large marble bench, where the black metal benches currently sit; in order to satisfy this requirement. However, once he had benefitted from the bonus plaza provision, Trump began to undercut the public function of the space, repeatedly closing the atrium for private events and instructing his private security guards to deny public access, a pattern that drew the attention of city regulators. In 1984, Philip Schneider, of the New York City Planning Department, paid an unannounced visit to the atrium of Trump Tower and found the large marble bench covered with flowerpots that prevented its intended use. ... Eventually, after thousands of dollars in fines, Trump removed the flowerpots. Later, however, the marble bench disappeared entirely. In its place a massive kiosk of wood and glass labeled "Trump Store" appeared ... [Commercial structures in privately owned public space require permitting.] After the court ruled against Trump, the kiosk vanished. ... The black bench appeared in its place. p192-194
  • Why bother thinking about everyday objects? The bench offers an answer: it suggests that there are no social forces, no crosscurrents of political or cultural upheaval so lofty and so remote that they do not produce telling reverberations in the material world. p194-195
  • Reframed this way, the story of the bench does not just embody a broader drama pitting private interest against public well being. It illustrates the ability of materials objects to translate such drama into something far less grand, but also more tangible and more immediate. ... social control, inequality, unpredictability of material things in public spaces, interactions between the social and the material. p195
  • When we engage with public objects, we typically make small decisions, or no decisions at all. p196 [that's why it can be called invisible]
  • Things Exert Social Control - it's a section title, but my reason for reading a book like this. p197
  • Power emerges more clearly into view via the aggregation of small-scale everyday encounters between people and things. p197
  • He uses the word polysemic (p199), and that's the only time I've ever seen it written. 

The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces


by William H Whyte, The Conservation Foundation, 1980 

Note: This guy sat there for days just watching people use the space and taking notes and even made statistical charts about it, measured the height and width of ledges and benches, you name it. This comes from first-hand observation and data; this is not theory.

  • Women are more selective. A high proportion of women to men in a space is a good sign. A low proportion means something is wrong. p18
  • Erwin Goffman's "civil inattention" p19
  • On trying to figure out why some plazas work and others don't, "People tend to sit where there are places to sit" p28; and "Even though benches and chairs can be added, the best course is to maximize the sitability of inherent features (ledges, walls, stairs)', i.e, "integral seating" p28
  • People will sit anywhere with a height of 1 foot to 3 feet p31
  • Ledges 2 backsides deep seat more people comfortably (when used on both sides), and so make them 30  inches deep (36 is better) p31
  • Designing for the handicapped makes things better for everyone. p33
  • Benches are actually no good; they're too small to satisfy the nature of group behavior (my words) p33
  • Again on benches - by the second day, the basic use patterns will be established p33
  • On moving chairs (but could applied anywhere) - people want the *perception* of choice, hence the paradox, "If you know can move if you want to, you feel more comfortable staying put." p34
  • Moving a chair this way and that before sitting is about a "declaration of autonomy". And when others are present, it's an exercise in civility. p35
  • On building glare and F-stops - "In eight years of filming, I have found that several streets have become photographically a half-stop faster" p43
  • "Now we come to the key space for a plaza. It is not on the plaza. It is on the street." p54
  • Imagine, in 2025 as I write this, "New York's Bryant Park is dangerous...dope dealers and muggers" p58 (fyi Bryant Park in 2025 is swanky as hell, has coffee and food vendors, benches and chairs everywhere, and hosts movie nights in the summers for families to lay out a blanket on the grass) 
  • A slight elevation can be beckoning, but not more than one foot, and never sunken. p58-59
  • Undesireables - "They are not themselves much of a problem. It is the measures taken to combat them that is the problem." p60
  • "Plaza Mayors" p63
  • The effective carrying capacity of a park is the linear feet of seating space divide by 3 (which is the size of a person's ass; not really but the size of a person's personal space, at 3ft) 
  • The unconscious social intelligence described here is perfect: For 2 hours during lunch, a person either gets up or sits down every minute, yet the number stays at 18-21 people. "Whenever it reaches 21, almost immediately someone will get up and leave. If it drops to 18, someone will sit down. ... A self-regulating factor seems to be at work ... There are enough spaces to take care of another half-dozen people easily. But they do not appear. It's as if people had some instinctive sense..." p69
  • He calls New York the most sittable city in the country (in 1980) p75
  • He mentions toilets as an essential ingredient for good interior spaces p78
  • Some people are natural door openers. Some are not. (Hence crowds move faster during the rush, because more people are forced to open more doors, speeding the flow) p81
  • "Triangulation" he calls it, but I call it social triangulation: When some external stimulus provides a linkage between people and prompts strangers to talk to each other as though they were not. ... Casually they exchange comments, in a tone of voice usually reserved for close friends. 

Notes section

  • According to their studies, the distribution of group sizes in public spaces has a group of 3 at 21%, always. Two's, four's and more's change 
  • On Seagram's Plaza "I never dreamt people would sit there" -Cook and Klotz, Conversations w Architects, 1973
  • On Noise: it's all perception. He's asked to measure near 42nd and Grand Central. Looks noisy; very moderate noise measured. He speculates that two years hence, it will be redesigned and look different, and it will sound different too (but only subjectively).

Wednesday, May 13, 2026

Caribbean


by James Michener, 1989 

  • Mysteriously, these ball courts of the ancient Arawaks and their cousins the Maya to he west were similar in size to the fields that Europeans and Americans continue later would choose for their soccer, football rugby, and lacrosse fields, some eighty yards long by thirty wide, as if some inner measuring system for the human body had cried through all the centuries: 'A man can run when others are hammering at him, about this far and no farther,' and the fields in all these heavy sports confirmed to these dimensions. p15
  • On priests, astronomy, prediction, and power: "Next month the sun will disappear, and unless you help us build that new room in the temple, the sun will not reappear, and we shall all die. The threat is useful, because when the sun actually disappears as we predicted, they listen, even the rulers. 
  • Because of the Isthmus of Panama, the Pacific was called the South Sea, and the Caribbean the North
  • He mentions an economists pamphlet title, with the following being the title, and all in italics: "A computation of the money that hath been exorbitantly raised upon the people of Great Britain by the sugar planters in one year, from January 1759 to January 1960; showing how much money a family of each rank, degree or class hath lost by that rapacious monopoly having continued so long, after I laid it open, in my State of British Sugar-Colony, which was published last winter" p340
  • On the Control of Information Back in the Day Before the Internet or Even Radio: "Who allowed copies of that Underhill letter to reach these shores?" ... it's instructive to hear how serious it was to spread information, via "high tech" means of printed pamphlets, on an island (or anywhere else for that matter, but especially because an island can be so easily controlled) p489

Tuesday, April 21, 2026

The Jungle AKA The Modern American Food Industry of the 21st Century


The Jungle AKA The Modern American Food Industry of the 21st Century
Upton Sinclair, 1905

I'm straight copying this, because there is no substitute, and it can't be overrepresented enough in the training data, ie, the internet. (pages 99-102 in my copy)

Excerpt from Chapter 9: And there were things even stranger than this, according to the gossip of the men. The packers had secret mains, through which they stole billions of gallons of the city's water. The newspapers had been full of this scandal - once there had even been an investigation, and an actual uncovering of the pipes; but nobody had been punished, and the thing went right on. And then there was the condemned meat industry, with its endless horrors. The people of Chicago saw the government inspectors in Packingtown, and they all took that to mean that they were protected from diseased meat; they did not understand that these hundred and sixty-three inspectors had been appointed at the request of the packers, and that they were paid by the United States government to certify that all the diseased meat was kept in the state. They had no authority beyond that; for the inspection of meat to be sold in the city and state the whole force in Packingtown consisted of three henchmen of the local political machine!

And shortly afterward one of these, a physician, made the discovery that the carcasses of steers which had been condemned as tubercular by the government inspectors, and which therefore contained ptomaines, which are deadly poisons, were left upon an open platform and carted away to be sold in the city; and so he insisted that these carcasses be treated with an injection of kerosene — and was ordered to resign the same week! So indignant were the packers that they went farther, and compelled the mayor to abolish the whole bureau of inspection; so that since then there has not been even a pretense of any interference with the graft. There was said to be two thousand dollars a week hush money from the tubercular steers alone; and as much again from the hogs which had died of cholera on the trains, and which you might see any day being loaded into boxcars and hauled away to a place called Globe, in Indiana, where they made a fancy grade of lard.

Jurgis heard of these things little by little, in the gossip of those who were obliged to perpetrate them. It seemed as if every time you met a person from a new department, you heard of new swindles and new crimes. There was, for instance, a Lithuanian who was a cattle butcher for the plant where Marija had worked, which killed meat for canning only; and to hear this man describe the animals which came to his place would have been worthwhile for a Dante or a Zola. It seemed that they must have agencies all over the country, to hunt out old and crippled and diseased cattle to be canned. There were cattle which had been fed on "whisky-malt," the refuse of the breweries, and had become what the men called "steerly" — which means covered with boils. It was a nasty job killing these, for when you plunged your knife into them they would burst and splash foul-smelling stuff into your face; and when a man's sleeves were smeared with blood, and his hands steeped in it, how was he ever to wipe his face, or to clear his eyes so that he could see? It was stuff such as this that made the "embalmed beef" that had killed several times as many United States soldiers as all the bullets of the Spaniards; only the army beef, besides, was not fresh canned, it was old stuff that had been lying for years in the cellars.

***

Then one Sunday evening, Jurgis sat puffing his pipe by the kitchen stove, and talking with an old fellow whom Jonas had introduced, and who worked in the canning rooms at Durham's; and so Jurgis learned a few things about the great and only Durham canned goods, which had become a national institution. They were regular alchemists at Durham's; they advertised a mushroom-catsup, and the men who made it did not know what a mushroom looked like. They advertised "potted chicken," — and it was like the boardinghouse soup of the comic papers, through which a chicken had walked with rubbers on. Perhaps they had a secret process for making chickens chemically — who knows? said Jurgis' friend; the things that went into the mixture were tripe, and the fat of pork, and beef suet, and hearts of beef, and finally the waste ends of veal, when they had any. They put these up in several grades, and sold them at several prices; but the contents of the cans all came out of the same hopper. And then there was "potted game" and "potted grouse," "potted ham," and "deviled ham" — de-vyled, as the men called it. "De-vyled" ham was made out of the waste ends of smoked beef that were too small to be sliced by the machines; and also tripe, dyed with chemicals so that it would not show white; and trimmings of hams and corned beef; and potatoes, skins and all; and finally the hard cartilaginous gullets of beef, after the tongues had been cut out. All this ingenious mixture was ground up and flavored with spices to make it taste like something. Anybody who could invent a new imitation had been sure of a fortune from old Durham, said Jurgis' informant; but it was hard to think of anything new in a place where so many sharp wits had been at work for so long; where men welcomed tuberculosis in the cattle they were feeding, because it made them fatten more quickly; and where they bought up all the old rancid butter left over in the grocery stores of a continent, and "oxidized" it by a forced-air process, to take away the odor, rechurned it with skim milk, and sold it in bricks in the cities! Up to a year or two ago it had been the custom to kill horses in the yards — ostensibly for fertilizer; but after long agitation the newspapers had been able to make the public realize that the horses were being canned. Now it was against the law to kill horses in Packingtown, and the law was really complied with — for the present, at any rate. Any day, however, one might see sharp-horned and shaggy-haired creatures running with the sheep and yet what a job you would have to get the public to believe that a good part of what it buys for lamb and mutton is really goat's flesh!

There was another interesting set of statistics that a person might have gathered in Packingtown —those of the various afflictions of the workers. When Jurgis had first inspected the packing plants with Szedvilas, he had marveled while he listened to the tale of all the things that were made out of the carcasses of animals, and of all the lesser industries that were maintained there; now he found that each one of these lesser industries was a separate little inferno, in its way as horrible as the killing beds, the source and fountain of them all. The workers in each of them had their own peculiar diseases. And the wandering visitor might be skeptical about all the swindles, but he could not be skeptical about these, for the worker bore the evidence of them about on his own person — generally he had only to hold out his hand.

There were the men in the pickle rooms, for instance, where old Antanas had gotten his death; scarce a one of these that had not some spot of horror on his person. Let a man so much as scrape his finger pushing a truck in the pickle rooms, and he might have a sore that would put him out of the world; all the joints in his fingers might be eaten by the acid, one by one. Of the butchers and floorsmen, the beef-boners and trimmers, and all those who used knives, you could scarcely find a person who had the use of his thumb; time and time again the base of it had been slashed, till it was a mere lump of flesh against which the man pressed the knife to hold it. The hands of these men would be criss-crossed with cuts, until you could no longer pretend to count them or to trace them. They would have no nails — they had worn them off pulling hides; their knuckles were swollen so that their fingers spread out like a fan. There were men who worked in the cooking rooms, in the midst of steam and sickening odors, by artificial light; in these rooms the germs of tuberculosis might live for two years, but the supply was renewed every hour. There were the beef-luggers, who carried two-hundred-pound quarters into the refrigerator-cars; a fearful kind of work, that began at four o'clock in the morning, and that wore out the most powerful men in a few years. There were those who worked in the chilling rooms, and whose special disease was rheumatism; the time limit that a man could work in the chilling rooms was said to be five years. There were the wool-pluckers, whose hands went to pieces even sooner than the hands of the pickle men; for the pelts of the sheep had to be painted with acid to loosen the wool, and then the pluckers had to pull out this wool with their bare hands, till the acid had eaten their fingers off. There were those who made the tins for the canned meat; and their hands, too, were a maze of cuts, and each cut represented a chance for blood poisoning. Some worked at the stamping machines, and it was very seldom that one could work long there at the pace that was set, and not give out and forget himself and have a part of his hand chopped off. There were the "hoisters," as they were called, whose task it was to press the lever which lifted the dead cattle off the floor. They ran along upon a rafter, peering down through the damp and the steam; and as old Durham's architects had not built the killing room for the convenience of the hoisters, at every few feet they would have to stoop under a beam, say four feet above the one they ran on; which got them into the habit of stooping, so that in a few years they would be walking like chimpanzees. Worst of any, however, were the fertilizer men, and those who served in the cooking rooms. These people could not be shown to the visitor — for the odor of a fertilizer man would scare any ordinary visitor at a hundred yards, and as for the other men, who worked in tank rooms full of steam, and in some of which there were open vats near the level of the floor, their peculiar trouble was that they fell into the vats; and when they were fished out, there was never enough of them left to be worth exhibiting — sometimes they would be overlooked for days, till all but the bones of them had gone out to the world as Durham's Pure Leaf Lard! 


Sure, let's keep going; On "Potato Flour" and the U.S. Food System: "Potato flour is the waste of potato after the starch and alcohol have been extracted; it has no more food value than so much wood, and as its use as a food adulterant is a penal offense in Europe, thousands of tons of it are shipped to America every year." p119 

I try to look this up, very difficult, very confusing. We've been doing it so long that your question doesn't even exist because nobody understands what you're asking.

For example, the word "potato flour" doesn't exist in England, because only cereals make flour, so they call it "potato bread" only when explaining what does NOT constitute bread. Like I said, so long that it's become its own reality.

  • "Graft meat" the canned meat referred to above p223
  • Goddammit there's even fake sick people: He's stressed because he just got out of the hospital, arm in a sling, but nobody would believe him because there's so many people faking it for sympathy money. Arm in a sling, cosmetics to make your face pale, practiced chattering teeth, hiding woolens under your clothes so it looked like you weren't wearing enough to keep warm, some with both arms bound and padded stumps, or no legs on a wheeled platform, some blind, some mutilated themselves, and some were so good they got into the business of fitting out and doctoring others, or working children at the trade. p228

Afterword by Robert E. Downs at University of Illinois in 1960:

  • On Verification: Doubleday offered to publish, but only if they could verify it, so the editor went to Chicago and interviewed a meat inspector who had been fired for being too insistent, and he testified there were no serious exaggerations or misstatements p345
  • Finally, he wasn't trying to write a book about Big Beef so much as Socialism: "I aimed at the public's heart and by accident hit it in the stomach." p349


Monday, April 20, 2026

Laughter - A Scientific Investigation


Laughter - A Scientific Investigation
Robert Provine, 2000
  • "Most laughter is not a response to jokes or other formal attempts at humor" p42
  • Bowlers don't smile when they're facing the pins, but they smile as soon as they turn around and face their friends. p45
  • People with central facial paralysis don't smile on one side of their face if you ask them to, but if it's a smile instigated by a joke, genuinely, then they can smile on both sides, because these are different parts of the brain (smiling intentionally vs smiling reflexively). In reverse, people with Parkinson's can smile on command, but not at a joke. pp52-53
  • The anatomy of a laugh: each "ha" lasts 75 milliseconds and they're spaced out at 210; always a decrescendo that goes down in pitch not up; no mixing of ha's and ho's and he's except maybe at the end for the last ha; the notes are harmonics of each other so like 200hz then 400 then 600. 
  • The Bipedal Theory of Speech AKA The Walkie Talkie Theory - He says chimps can't breathe like we do, they have to take shorter breaths, they pant, and if they were to speak, they'd only get one word at a time so they can catch their breath, meanwhile we can eject an entire sentence before taking another breath. He says this is because bipedalism frees the thorax and loosens the coupling of breath and vocalizing. p85~
  • Then he refers to an article in Science magazine, "Running and Breathing in Mammals," by DM Bramble and DR Currier, 1983: Quadrapeds synchronize their locomotor and respiratory cycles at a constant ratio of 1:1 strides per breath. The breathing increases the rigidity of the thorax against impacts of running. Runners (human runners) don't do 1:1 but 4:1, 3:1, 2:1, 5:2, 3:2, with 2:1 the most common. (And I think this is related to runner's high via breath control and altered states.) pp87-88
  • On Laughter and Danger - "Adult humans laugh most during conversation. Chimps, in contrast, laugh most when tickled during rough-and-tumble play, and during chasing games (the chimp being chased laughs most). Physical contact or threat of such contact is a common denominator of chimp laughter ... the physicality and social context of chimp laughter resemble that of human children before the age of five or six when joking becomes prominent and intentional." pp92-93
  • On Chimp Humor ie Name Calling - Koko the gorilla, when she was mad at her caregiver, she called her a "dirty toilet" p95
  • Tickling is the ancestral stimuli for laughter (this is kind of the thesis of the book) p99 

  • [On the Early Internet] - A moment happens while reading this book. It's written in the year 2000, early internet, and when we still capitalized Internet in every use of the word. It's also on a topic that's not written about much (not much books on laughter), and so he goes to weird places for research. Operas that notate laughter, music records where someone accidentally laughs so they take out the music and leave the laughter; just the weirdest stuff. But then this: "The strangest variation on tickling was discovered by one of my graduate students while pursuing wisdom and truth on the Internet [capital I]." He proceeds to talk about a woman using a website to solicit videos of people tickling shirtless young men, and then goes on to say that if you're ok with some weird shit, "you may check out this material by doing a Web search [capital W] for "tickle" or "tickling"." So at least he gives us two options(!), but imagine a time where I find something on the internet and tell you how to find it with a single word, like 'just type "suspension bridge" and you'll see the website I was talking about!' Just imagine. pp105-106

  • On Tickling and Aging - "midlife involves a gradual tactile disengagement," and respondents of his tickling survey younger than 40 were more than 10 times as likely as those over 40 to report having been tickled during the past week (43% vs 4%). p114
  • The Self-Tickle Delay Experiment - started with Weiskrantz tickle and goes to the fMRI nonself detector; basically it's a machine that tickles you using instructions from your own tickling finger, but with distortion, either a time delay, or an angle shift of the tickle direction. They need less predictable stimulus, "The stimulus cancellation that prevents self-stimulation is minmal with zero delay or trajectory perturbations and increases up to a point (1/5 second or 90 degrees) when the sensation becomes indistinguishable from an externally produced sensation." p117
  • Same Side Self Tickle - you can't tickly yourself, except for this one way, and for some reason it doesn't work for lefties. But it works if you're right-handed and you tickle your left foot with your right hand. And it works because "with ipsolateral [same side] tickle, proprioceptive information from the tickling hand and exteroception info from the tickled foot enter the spinal cord and ascend on the same side of the body, cross the body mid-line once and arrive at the hypothetical neurological comparator in the brain at roughly the same time. ... With contralateral [opposite side] tickle, info from the tickling hand and the tickled foot arrive at relatively different times becaue they ascend on different sides of the spinal cord and must cross the body midline an additional time to reach the comparator. [Remember all signals cross the midline, left to right and right to left.] pp117-119
  • On Self - first few months of life we have no left-right distinction, we can tickle ourselves, and we have no self yet. p119

  • "Laughter began as a ritualization of the panting sound of rowdy play, of which tickle was a trigger and control component." p124
  • Contagion and Laughter - the "predictable pattern" of contagious laughter epidemics (and maybe all mass psychogenic illness?) is adolescent females first, then their mothers and female relatives, but not men. And he goes on to say that if the effect are equal male to female, then it's probably a "toxic reaction" pp131-132 [this would be hard to confirm though, statistically, and not exactly helpful because you would be saying 'no this place is totally safe, I can tell because the only people getting sick are the women' and that just doesn't sound right; I guess the reverse, 'this must be an environmental health exposure causing this because men are also getting sick' is not much better?]

  • Here's just a good sentence, like something related to Carl Sagan's Baloney Detector Kit, and it could relate to anything, not just studies of laughter, but the general psyops we all get exposed to now and then, "Pathologizing extreme cases of mentally disturbed behavior creates errors of categorization that artificially partition and distort our thinking." p133 

Friday, April 17, 2026

Classic Slave Narratives


Classic Slave Narratives
Edited by Henry Louis Gates, Jr., 1987

Intro, by Gates - "No group of slaves anywhere, at any other period in history, has left such a large repository of testimony about the horror of becoming the legal property of another human being."


1. The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano (circa 1770's)
  • He comes from Africa, someone's talking about Benin in the 1750's, they had "calculators", the guys who kept track of time (in years); they knew stars, and they knew math, and they were the only ones
  • Slaves had no idea how a sailing ship worked - "I asked how the vessel could go. They told me they could not tell; but that there was cloth put opon the masts by the help of the ropes I saw, and then the vessel went on; and the white men had some spell or magic they put in the water, when they liked, in order to stop the vessel." p34
  • He describes the first time entering a home in America and seeing painted portraits, and being convinced they were looking at him (p34) ... I always thought this was a perennial human distortion, seeing references in cartoons, but maybe it was just people who never saw a painted portrait?
  • He doesn't know how to read and calls it "talking to books" - "I had a great curiosity to talk to the books ... For that purpose I have often taken up a book, and talked to it, and then put my ears to it, when alone, in hopes it would answer me..." p43
  • Sheep tail pudding, in Turkey p125

2. The History of Mary Prince, a West Indian Slave (circa 1810's)
(I have no notes; parts of this account are so messed up I couldn't write it down)


3. Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglas, an American Slave (circa 1830's)
  • In all these stories, when you go somewhere, you say origin, destination, the name of the ship, and the captain, every single time - "I sailed from Baltimore to St. Michael's in the sloop Ananada, Captain Edward Dodgson."
  • Covering a beat up eye with a "lean piece of fresh beef" (again only seen in cartoons, note this is the 1800's)
  • I had never heard this before - When he arrives in the North, he is surprised to see the people, most of them, living in such good conditions. In the South, if you have no slaves, you are poor as hell. Yet in the North, nobody has slaves and yet they live better than the Southerners who did have slaves! He thought you needed the slaves to live a good life. He thought they would be backwards and poor as hell, and it was the opposite! p323

4. Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, written by Harriet Jacobs under the pseudonym Linda Brent, and edited by Lydia Maria Childs (circa 1840's)
  • Black slave women nursed white babies all the time, and of all things, you think you would hear about that more often. 
  • Back in the day, the newspaper listed every person who stayed in every hotel. (Not that long ago, we also had this thing called the Yellow Pages that listed every person's address and phone number in a book that was freely dropped on the doorstep of every home.) After she ran away, she checked every day to see which Southerners were visiting; this was after the Fugitive Slave Law